Dúchas Thír Chonaill

Donegal Heritage




On 04 January 1918, as two Rosses men were being brought under armed military escort by train, from Burtonport to Ebrington Barracks, Derry, to be charged with desertion from the British army, they were dramatically sprung free by a local detachment of the Irish Volunteers at Kincasslagh Road Station, Meenbanad.

The ambush, which occurred in the presence of a large crowd of people gathered on the platform, is remembered in The Rosses as the first action of the War of Independence and as a significant challenge to British authority in Ireland. The prisoners were James Duffy of Meenbanad, who had served in the Royal Dublin Fusiliers and James Ward of Cloughlass, who had served in the Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers. The centenary of the ambush has now arrived.

Various accounts, heard and read, agree on the main facts but diverge on the details. A sudden event occurring in the presence of a crowd will always give rise to diverse recollections. General W. T. Sherman, one of the great leaders of the Federal Army in the American Civil War, wrote in the forward to his memoirs: – “We all know that no three honest witnesses to a simple brawl can agree on all the details”. 

With a view to getting the story of the 1918 ambush as accurately as possible, five written accounts are quoted below. The accounts are quoted in the chronological order in which they were published. Each adds to our knowledge of the incident, but inconsistencies remain. As the participants and eye-witnesses have now passed on, we will strive in vain to get full clarity. Note that, to varying degrees, Accounts Nos 4 and 5 draw on Account No 3. Note too that words in brackets, thus [ ], are clarifications that do not appear in the original accounts.

Account No 1:

Account No 1 is an extract from BMH WS 1448, a witness statement given by Patrick Breslin to the Bureau of Military History, on the 27 June 1956. Patrick was a native of Ardara. He worked in Johnny Rua Sweeney’s retail store in Dungloe – Johnny Rua being the father of Major General Joe Sweeney, the organiser and leader of the Irish Volunteers in West Donegal. Patrick was present in Dungloe on 01 February 1914 when Pádraig Pearse, then the national organiser of the Irish Volunteers, addressed a meeting there. Patrick was so impressed by what he heard that, straight away, he joined the newly formed Dungloe Company of the Volunteers, as a founding member. He was also a founding member of the Dungloe Sinn Féin Club, and its first chairman. And he was a member of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). In late 1918, when Volunteers GHQ formally established the No.1 Donegal Brigade, comprising three battalions – in The Rosses, Gweedore and Creeslough – Joe Sweeney was appointed Brigade O/C (Officer Commanding) and a short time later Patrick Breslin was appointed Adjutant.

Quote:…During the 1914-18 war many soldiers who were then serving in the British Army deserted while home on leave. Two such men from the Lower Rosses, one named Ward and another man named Duffy, deserted. I succeeded in getting Ward’s Lee Enfield rifle and bayonet. I also procured a quantity of .303 ammunition from another source and purchased a .38 revolver and some revolver ammunition of the same calibre. The rifle was the only service one in the Dungloe Company or any of the surrounding companies for a long period after their formation and came in very useful for musketry training in the area. Early in 1918 Duffy and Ward were arrested by British forces and detained overnight in the R.I.C. barracks in Burtonport, pending the arrival of a military escort from Derry. The officers of Burtonport Company, in conference with Joe Sweeney, Brigade O/C, decided that the two deserters should and must be rescued from custody. At first an attack on the barrack was contemplated, but eventually it was decided to hold up the train at Meenbanad and release both men from their escort. A member of the Sinn Féin Club came to me on the evening of the arrest of the two men and asked me what action was intended with a view to an attempt at rescue. I told him to wait and see and say nothing. A few men from the Burtonport Company, armed with revolvers, boarded the train at Burtonport, on which the escort with the two prisoners were travelling. At Meenbanid the train was held up. Two Volunteers entered the carriage containing the prisoners, held up and disarmed the escort and released Ward and Duffy… End Quote (1)


Account No 2:

Account No 2, by the well-known author and journalist Joe McGarrigle, appeared in The Derry People of Sat. 13 January 1968, to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the ambush. As McGarrigle was not a native of The Rosses, it is likely that a significant contribution to his account was made by Owenie Sharkey, who, at that time, was organising a commemorative monument at Meenbanad. It is also likely that Owenie received anecdotal accounts of the ambush from the participants pictured with him in the newspaper article – Dim Bonner, Fergal Ward and Neil Boyle. He may also have had information from James Duffy, then living ‘in Dublin’.




At Kincasslagh railway station, [Meenbanad] Owen Sharkey, Kincasslagh (left) talks to survivors of the exploit (l. to r.) Dim Bonner, Fergus Ward and Neil Boyle ©Sharkey
As the steam train sped along the narrow gauge that wove sinuously through the granite cuttings on the north-west Donegal coast, four men lay in waiting on a January day in 1918, ready to perform the deed that opened the Irish War of Independence. Although not officially claimed as the first encounter in the national struggle that ended with the setting up of Dáil Ȇireann – that honour is usually given to Dan Breen’s seizure of the explosives at Soloheadbeg in Tipperary – the Kincasslagh episode was in fact that curtain-raiser to the Four Glorious Years. Four unarmed young Republicans held up a train and compelled an armed British military escort to hand over two young soldiers home from the Great War who had decided that their place was in Ireland rather than in Flanders fields fighting for the Great Powers. Two young Rosses men, Jimmy Ward, now deceased, and James Duffy, now living in Dublin, were amongst thousands of Redmond Volunteers who went to France to fight for the freedom of small nations.The first indication they had that all was not well at home was when the Germans put up huge placards in the trenches telling them of atrocities being committed by the British in Ireland. Said James Duffy, recalling the period – “Then it dawned on me and on many others that the quicker we got out of the British Army the better. I swore that when I got my first leave I would never return.”  And this is why James and his friend Jimmy, in January 1918, were sitting handcuffed in a train bound from Burtonport to Derry.

The Plan

It was not long before word got around that the two men had been arrested. Knots of people had gathered into the village [Burtonport] to see the comings and goings of the military. It was not idle curiosity, however, that brought Fergus Ward from Glenhalt [Glenahilt], Dim Bonner, Meenbanad [Crickamore ?], his brother John Bonner, now deceased, and Pat Boyle, also deceased, together. They had heard that the military escort had arrived in Burtonport earlier that morning to take the prisoners back to Derry. And it was then that they took the courageous decision to rescue the two men. There was no time to look for guns. Their strategy had to be planned so that the element of surprise compensated in some way for their lack of arms.

The guard on the train, John McCole, and his young assistant, Neil Boyle, were taken into their confidence and they too played a part in the daring exploit. Their job was to carry out delaying tactics to enable the four men to take up their positions for the attack. An observant commuter would have noticed that Guard McCole and young Neil Boyle took [an] unusually long time in shunting wagons at Dungloe Road station. Then with an exaggerated pretense of locking the carriages, while in effect contriving to unlock the carriage in which the escort and their prisoners were seated, they set out for the next stop, Kincasslagh Road. A huge crowd had gathered on the platform to greet the prisoners. It was Dungloe fair day and there were a lot of people around. Duffy’s weeping mother was there being consoled by neighbours. 

Standing from left is James Duffy’s mother in Meenbanad c1912   ©O’Donnell Collection

Mingling with the crowd were Dim Bonner and Pat Boyle. Lying in wait on the offside of the track were John Bonner and Fergus Ward.

 Blinking Heroes

At this stage James Duffy takes up the story.

‘When the sergeant saw the crowd he said – “You would think you were blinking heroes”. Then a voice shouted loud and clear “Open Fire”. One of the soldiers said “My God, we’re going to be shot”.’  While this was happening the guard on the train was indicating to the waiting men the carriage in which the Dorsets and the prisoners were seated. With a precision that would do credit to a large-scale military operation, the four men charged the carriage simultaneously. The doors of the compartment were flung open. Fergus Ward grabbed a rifle which was lying on the floor and called on the soldiers to surrender. Without as much as a shot being fired they handed over the prisoners. It was indeed a glorious victory. The four men and the two prisoners, still handcuffed together, ran down the tracks and scrambled over the rocks to safety. Before the soldiers could collect their wits Guard John McCole had blown his whistle and the train moved out of the station.The parting words of the sergeant in charge of the escort were “You might as well have taken me too as I will suffer for this”, and suffer he did at a subsequent court-martial, when he was reduced in rank and shipped out to the fighting front in France.

An Amazing Sequel

There was an amusing[sic] sequel to the story some time later. 

John Bonner received a letter from the British Authorities asking him to return the rifle he had taken from the carriage. The letter informed him that he was suspected of being concerned in the raid and the authorities promised him safe conduct if he left the rifle in the barracks in Burtonport. The laughter of the four men echoed around The Rosses for many years.

Now a plaque is to be erected at the disused railway station to commemorate the exploit.

L-R: Owen Sharkey with JD Williams, County Manager, Donegal County Council unveiling the monument in 1968.©Seanscoil Mullach Dubh Collection

Mr. Owen Sharkey, a noted local Gael, has carried out quite an amount of research into this and other engagements in The Rosses. He says “The men of those days and their exploits should not be allowed to die without recognition.” 

Owen has set up a committee to see that due recognition is given to the men of the Kincasslagh Rd Station Ambush. The plaque will be unveiled on Easter Sunday. End Quote (2)      


Account No 3:

Account No 3 is an extract from ‘Donegal and the War of Independence’, a memoir by Major General Joseph A. Sweeney, published in The Capuchin Annual, 1970 

The extract includes a written statement by James Duffy, one of the rescued prisoners, recorded, at the request of Major General Sweeney, by Lt. Col. Denis Houston on 13 February 1937. All three men were then serving in the Irish Defense Forces. Houston was a native of Meenmore. During the War of Independence he was an officer in the Dungloe Company of the Volunteers. Later he was Intelligence Officer of No 1 Donegal Brigade. Joe Sweeney wrote as follows:-

Quote: …My participation in the Easter Week Rising of 1916 seemed to spark off a change in the young people and I was greatly surprised and encouraged at the warmth of the reception given me on my return home following imprisonment in England and Wales [Frongoch]. In the summer of 1917, I reorganised the Dungloe company and made arrangements for the organisation of a battalion to include Dungloe, Burtonport, Meenacross and Annagry. As many of the young men were migratory workers, it was difficult to keep units together but the enthusiasts moved from one company to another and gradually a stable position was achieved.

On 3 January, 1918, a number of Volunteers, of whom I remember Paddy (Frank) Boyle, Glenahilt, and Pat (Dennis) Boyle, Milltown, came to me in Burtonport and informed me that at a dance the previous night two British army deserters named Jimmy (Susan) Ward, Cloghglass, and Jimmy Duffy, Meenbanad, had been arrested and were lodged in Burtonport R.I.C. barrack. I was not too interested, I must admit, until it was mentioned that Duffy’s rifle had been seized by the R.I.C. The fact that Duffy had a weapon should have been reported to me and I was rather annoyed with them for this dereliction of duty. However, I now felt that we had to recover the rifle and a discussion took place as to the tactics to be adopted. The locals were in favour of a rescue attempt at the local railway station [Burtonport] but, as I was sure that an armed party of the R.I.C. would accompany the escort, which normally is unarmed except for side arms, part of the way, I vetoed the proposal. How far would the R.I.C. travel? I gambled on their getting off at Dungloe Road and suggested that the attempt should be made at Meenbanad or, as it was officially known, Kincasslagh Road. A number of those present volunteered for the rescue, and my brother, Bernie, secured a couple of revolvers for them and we warned them to use no more force than was necessary. Bernie visited the prisoners and managed to warn them to be alert on the train. The following morning the escort arrived off the first incoming train and moved about freely awaiting the outgoing afternoon train. They were steered into the late Jim Maguire’s premises [public house] where the hospitality was unlimited, and by the time they took their prisoners to the train they were more than a little befuddled. Meanwhile, the rescue party had gone to Meenbanad where they found the platform crowded with people returning from the Dungloe fair. What happened is best described in a written statement supplied to the late Lieutenant-Colonel Dinny Houston by Jimmy Duffy, at my request, on 12 February 1937.             “We entrained under escort for Derry on the afternoon of the 4th January, 1918, and got as far as Kincasslagh Road station where our rescue was effected. During our detention in Burtonport a large number of people called to see us, in the course of which I learned from one of the Sweeneys – I don’t know whether it was Danny or Bernie – that an attempt would be made to rescue us from the barrack or train. The latter you know was chosen as the most suitable.

1. The names of some of the rescuers as far as I remember were: –

John and Jim Bonner, Meenmore, Anthony Sweeney, Meenbanad, James Ward, Upper Keadue, Paddy and Phil Gallagher, Meenbanad (brothers of ex.-Coy. Sergt. Gallagher).

Paddy Gallagher was the first man to enter the carriage by the back and strike one of the escort. One of the Colls – I think it was Charlie, Neil Boyle, Fiddler, [sic] – he struck me in mistake for one of the escort. Of course, there were others from different parts of the country and, as it was a fair day, the platform was fairly crowded.

2. The names of the escort: –

Shaw was the name of the sergeant in charge. He belonged to the Beresford Regt. and stationed in Derry. He was eventually court-martialed and reduced to the ranks; the names of the others I can’t remember but one of them was in hospital for a few weeks from a blow to the head.

3. The strength of the escort was one sergeant and three men. We were escorted by a party of R.I.C. as far as Burtonport Station. Whether they accompanied us as far as Kincasslagh Road, I can’t say. I was told after that two of them were in the back carriage. The sergt. in charge was in possession of my rifle and bayonet. These were wrenched from his hands by John Bonner. Jim Bonner held up the driver of the train. Paddy Gallagher, stationmaster, Kincasslagh Road, gave evidence at Shaw’s court-martial.”  [see appendix]

At Shaw’s court-martial, Jim Maguire was summoned as a witness and severely examined but he and Paddy Gallagher [stationmaster] managed to extricate themselves from charges of complicity.

The following is my official report to G.H.Q. on the incident: –

“On 4/1/18 the first organised effort against enemy forces was carried out by members of A and B companies of the west Donegal brigade at Meenbanad railway station. A night or two before this date two local boys who had deserted from the British army were arrested by the R.I.C. When a military escort had arrived from Derry the two men were marched to Burtonport for removal to Derry. A party of R.I.C. accompanied them to Dungloe Road railway station.  We had already sent a party of men, completely unarmed, to Meenbanad station and when the train arrived they entered the compartment where the deserters were held, attacked the guard [military escort] and rescued the men, one of whom had a service rifle.”

An extract from “Notes from Ireland”, No 1, Vol. 27, Feb 1st, 1918, “as published by the Irish Unionist Alliance for the supporters of the Unionist cause in parliament, in the press and on the platform” reads: –

“A daring outrage is reported from the Burtonport district of Co. Donegal where a band of alleged Sinn Feiners, some of whom were armed, succeeded in the rescue from a military escort of two men who were stated to be military absentees. It is stated that the two soldiers were at a dance in Burtonport. One of them had been absent since April last and the other had come from France. While the dance was in progress the police raided the building and took the two men, who were in civilian clothing, into custody after a short struggle. They were detained pending the arrival of a military escort from Londonderry. In the meantime, the news of the arrests spread throughout the district and a scheme for rescue was immediately devised. The escort, having reached Burtonport, took the men in charge and entrained for their return by the evening train. Apparently their movements were being closely watched without attracting the attention of the constabulary and information must have been sent to the rescue party who had gathered some miles along the line. The report states that when Kincasslagh Road was reached, where there is a brief halt, the rescuers, who were in large numbers, virtually held up the train, some boarding the engine, while others rushed the compartment containing the two men and their escort. A struggle ensued between the escort party and the rescue gang but, by mere weight of numbers, the latter easily overcame the soldiers who were hurried away in a motor car and the rescuers scattered with all haste. It is stated that some of the rescuers carried revolvers but no shots were fired”

Tipperary has claimed that the first shots of the Anglo-Irish War were fired in that county but here was an action successfully carried out without a shot being fired… End Quote (3)   

Account No 4:

Account No 4 is an extract from Pádraig Ó Baoighill’s highly commended book – Óglach na Rosann – Niall Pluincéad Ó Baoighill, published in 1994.

The book is not only a biography of Pluincéad – it is a comprehensive account of the War of Independence and the Civil War, as they impacted West Donegal. The story is told in the mellifluent Gaelic of Rann na Feirste. However, for reasons of consistency, the extract is here translated into English.

Quote (in translation)On the day of the Dungloe Fair of January 1918, Volunteers of the Dungloe and Meenbanad Companies (A & B) attacked a train at Meenbanad Station. They set free two prisoners, James Duffy of Meenbanad and James Ward of Cloughlass. These were two who had deserted the British Army but the R.I.C. arrested them at a dance in Kincasslagh and they were placed in a cell in the local barracks. Duffy had a gun when he was arrested [at his home?]. Many local people went to see them. Bernie Sweeney of Burtonport alerted them to the fact that the Volunteers were planning their rescue. On the 4 January, four members of the R.I.C. arrived on the morning train from Derry. The sergeant’s name was Shaw from the Beresford Regiment in Derry. He was accompanied by three constables. They were to take the prisoners with them on the afternoon train. The people of Burtonport showed them friendship and they were brought into Maguire’s tavern. At the same time the Volunteers were on their way to Meenbanad, with a plan for the rescue of the prisoners. Among those who participated in the action were Patrick and Phil Gallagher, Anthony McGinley from Meenbanad, James Ward from Keadue, Charlie Boyle from Cronasealg, John and Duimnic Bonner from Crickamore, Feargal Ward and Patrick Boyle from Glenahilt. Meenbanad Station was black with people returning from the Dungloe fair at the time. Suddenly, the Volunteers went on board and an altercation began between them and the R.I.C. The sergeant was relieved of the gun; Duffy and Ward were set free. There were so many people in the vicinity that the police were unable to do a thing. The prisoners were whisked away through the crowd. They were put in a car and, together with those who freed them, they were not seen again. This action occurred without a single bullet being fired, one of the first actions of the War of Independence in The Rosses. One member of the police was injured. Sergeant Shaw was brought before a court-martial and he was demoted. The proprietor of the tavern, James Maguire, and the Meenbanad stationmaster [Paddy Gallagher] were brought before the court in Derry. They were clever enough and they succeeded in proving that they had no prior knowledge of the plan or of those who participated in it. They were fortunate that there were so many people on the platform that day and that people were not sure what was happening.

This is how it was reported in ‘Notes from Ireland’ a paper issued by the ‘Irish Unionist Alliance’ (1.2.1919). [1918?]

‘A daring outrage is reported from the Burtonport district of Donegal where a band of alleged Sinn Feiners, some of whom were armed, succeeded in the rescue from a military escort of two men who were stated to be military absentees’.

This action and the attack on the R.I.C. guarding the explosives in Soloheadbeg in Tipperary were the first incidents of the War of Independence. Sean Tracey, Dan Breen and Seamus Robinson captured munitions and shot two R.I.C. constables. The British authorities were enraged. Subsequently, Duffy joined the Free State Army and Ward went to America, where he was killed in a street accident on 04 July 1931. Duffy lived out his declining years in a caravan beside Jack McCloskey’s tavern in Annagry. He died on 08 August 1976 and he is interred in Kincasslagh cemetery… End Quote (4)      

James Duffy’s final resting place in Belcruit Cemetery, Kincasslagh. ©


Account No 5:

Account No 5 is an extract from chapter 22 of Frank Sweeney’s highly commended book, That Old Sinner, published in 2006.

The book tells the story of the Burtonport Extension of the Londonderry & Lough Swilly Railway, which ceased operations to Burtonport in 1940, following a brief and problematic existence of 37 years. Its derelict infrastructure still traverses north Donegal, leaving small farms severed and the landscape forever scarred. The book is the product of meticulous research by Frank, while studying for a PhD degree at Maynooth University. It draws from archival sources, including newspaper reports of the court-martial that followed the 1918 ambush, as well as from Joe Sweeney’s memoir, quoted above. As his father was a native of Meenbanad, Frank had an added incentive to carefully research the story.



On New Year’s night 1918, James Duffy of Meenbanad and James Ward of Cloughlass, near Burtonport, were arrested by the RIC while attending a dance in Kincasslagh. They were brought to Burtonport barracks where they were held for desertion from the army. Arrangements were made for their transfer by train to Ebrington Barracks in Derry on the 4 January 1918, a Dungloe Fair day. Joe Sweeney of Burtonport, who had organised and commanded the Volunteers in The Rosses, heard of the arrests but was not too interested until he heard that Duffy’s rifle had been seized from his home by the RIC. He then felt that he had to recover the rifle, which would be needed in other attacks on the establishment. The locals favoured a rescue attempt at Burtonport Railway Station but Sweeney was sure that an armed party of the RIC, carrying side arms, would accompany the escort. How far would the RIC travel? Sweeney gambled on their getting off at Dungloe Road Station and he suggested that the attempt be made at Meenbanad or, as it was officially known, Kincasslagh Road. His brother, Bernie Sweeney, secured a couple of revolvers for the Volunteers and he then visited the prisoners and managed to warn them to be alert for escape while on the train. The following morning, 4 January, the escort, consisting of Lance Sergeant Robert Shaw, Private Holland and Private Henderson of the 3rd Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers, arrived in Burtonport on the first incoming train about 10.15 a.m. and moved about freely while awaiting the outgoing afternoon train. ‘They were steered into the late Jim Maguire’s premises where the hospitality was unlimited and, by the time they took their prisoners to the train, they were more than a little befuddled’ [quoting Joe Sweeney’s memoir]. Constable McCabe said he saw the three enter the premises of a local spirit grocer. About 2.30 p.m., Robert Shaw was joined by Private Holland, who was staggering from the effects of drink and was unfit to carry out his duty as escort. Shortly after 3 o’clock McCabe saw Sergeant Shaw and Private Holland going to the railway station with the two prisoners. He went in search of Henderson and met him coming to the station, with the assistance of two civilians. He staggered into the station, falling on the platform and was not fit to carry out his duty because he was very drunk.  Meanwhile the rescue party had gone to Meenbanad Station where they found the platform crowded with people returning from the Dungloe Fair. John McCole [guard on the train] said that when the train reached Meenbanad a crowd of about 100 or 150 rushed along the platform and surrounded the carriage in which the prisoners were. The crowd was very angry. Three quarters of them were women, who were very excited. There were about twenty or thirty men and a lot of young boys or girls there as well. Paddy Gallagher, who entered the carriage by the back, was the first in and he struck one of the escorts. Joe Sweeney recalled, “One of the Colls – I think it was Charlie – struck me (Joe Sweeney) in mistake for one of the escorts…. The Sergeant in Charge was in possession of the rifle and bayonet. They were wrenched from his hands by John Bonner while Jim (Dim) Bonner held up the driver of the train”. Patrick Gallagher, the stationmaster at Meenbanad, said the crowd was unusually large. Before the train arrived he learned the object was to bid goodbye to the prisoners and on that account he allowed the crowd to remain on the platform. The door of the compartment in which the prisoners were seated, was opened and a woman got out. The door was then closed and a soldier stretched out his hand as if to bid someone goodbye. The door of the carriage then opened again and a soldier came out and pulled another after him. The latter fell on the platform. Gallagher said that then he saw the ‘poor boys’, Duffy and Ward, running away. He had to apologise to the court for using the term ‘poor boys’. Neil Boyle, guard [assistant guard ?] on the train, said the crowd in the station appeared to be very quiet. After the departure of the train he saw the two prisoners running down the railway track in the direction of Burtonport. He said that many of those at the station had come to see the prisoners off and bid them goodbye. 


At his court martial in Derry, Robert Shaw gave his version of events. When the train drew up at Kincasslagh Road Station (Meenbanad), he opened the door of the carriage to help two women, who were in the same compartment, to get out and the door was then closed. The mob on the platform rushed towards the carriage, threatening the occupants with sticks and a voice shouted, “Where are they? We must have them”. Shaw understood them to refer to the prisoners. The carriage door was immediately dragged open from the outside and the prisoners were dragged out by the mob. “We held on to the prisoners as long as we could but the door of the other side of the carriage was opened by part of the mob and we were attacked on that side by sticks and stones. That was the time the prisoners were rescued and we had to draw our bayonets to protect ourselves”. Lance Sergeant Robert Shaw, Inniskilling Fusiliers, was charged with allowing two deserters to escape while being conveyed from Burtonport to Derry, allowing an escort of which he was in command to get drunk, and he himself escaping when in custody. The court found him guilty and ordered his detention for fifty-six days. Twenty-eight days of the sentence were remitted. He was also reduced in rank…. End Quote [see appendix], (5) 

Meenbanad today



  1. Minor Inaccuracies. 

There are what appear to be a few minor inaccuracies in the above accounts.

(a) Account No 1 refers to Joe Sweeney as ‘Brigade O/C’. Joe Sweeney, in his own official report to GHQ, (Account No 3), states that the Volunteer party was from the ‘west Donegal brigade’. In Jan.1918, the brigade structure for Donegal was not yet formally approved. It was approved by GHQ in Dec.1918, following Ernie  O’Malley’s visit to the county.

(b) Account No 2 refers to ‘the national struggle that ended with the setting up of Dáil Éireann’. The Dáil first sat on 21 Jan.1919, the day of the Soloheadbeg ambush – the day on which, historians agree, the War of Independence began.

(c) In Account No 3, James Duffy’s statement refers to ‘John and Jim Bonner, Meenmore’. This should surely read ‘John and Dim Bonner, Crickamore’. The inaccuracy can hardly be attributed to James Duffy, since James’ sister, Mary, was married to Dim. James and Dim were close neighbours. ‘Dim’ is the short for Duimnic. Being the only Dim in the locality he was known to all simply as ‘Dim’, occasionally as ‘Dim Bonner’. Dennis Houston, who recorded James Duffy’s statement, was a native of Meenmore, a townland adjoining Crickamore. It is inconceivable that either he or James Duffy would misname Dim or confuse Meenmore with Crickamore. The inaccuracy is repeated further on in Duffy’s statement, where Dim is again referred to as ‘Jim’. A similar error occurs elsewhere in Joe Sweeney’s memoir where the Meenbanad stationmaster, Paddy Gallagher, is incorrectly referred to as ‘Anthony Gallagher’. The Bonner brothers would have been well known to both Dennis Houston and Joe Sweeney. The errors may be stenographic.

(d) Account No 4 describes Company B of the Volunteers as the ‘Meenbanad Company’. There was no Meenbanad Company as such. Company B was the Burtonport Company. The account refers to ‘Anthony McGinley, Meenbanad’, as a participant whereas James Duffy, in his statement, refers to ‘Anthony Sweeney’ of Meenbanad. There was an officer of the Dungloe Volunteers named Anthony McGinley who worked in Johnny Rua Sweeney’s store. But he was a native of Creeslough. (Ref.  BMH WS 1382 by Dennis Houston.)

(e) Account No 5 states: – “Joe Sweeney recalled ‘One of the Colls – I think it was Charlie – struck me (Joe Sweeney) in mistake for one of the escorts’…” If that statement were correct it would imply that Joe Sweeney was an active participant at the Meenbanad ambush. However, in Account No 3 the statement: – ‘One of the Colls etc.….’- is attributable to James Duffy and not to Joe Sweeney.

(2) Was the 1918 Meenbanad ambush the first action of the War of Independence ? 


          The inscription on the commemorative monument at Meenbanad reads: –


The claim that the Meenbanad ambush was the first action of the War of Independence is endorsed in the accounts of Joe Sweeney, Pádraig Ó Baoighill and Joe McGarrigle. There is no doubt that the ambush was a planned attack on an armed British military unit. The Volunteers were aware that the British escort was armed and, if accompanied by RIC, that they too would be armed. However, it may also be argued that the ambush was an isolated, opportunistic incident mounted solely to free the prisoners and was not planned as the beginning of nation-wide hostilities.

It is useful to consider the Meenbanad incident in the context of the wider political and military developments of the period. In Jan.1918, the Irish Volunteers in The Rosses were a small, dedicated group, drawing inspiration from the 1916 Rising. While Sinn Fein were advancing a political agenda to win Irish independence, the Irish Volunteers were organising and training for an armed struggle. Denis Houston, in his witness statement BMH WS 1382, states that a number of the officers in the local companies were members of the Irish Republican Brotherhood (IRB). They had sworn a solemn oath (1) to organise a fighting force, (2) to procure arms by every means in their power and (3) to secure freedom for Ireland by physical force, when the opportunity arose. The IRB was a secret society, organised on a circle basis, where only the circle leader knew everyone in his own circle and the contact person in the circle above him. Michael Collins was on the Supreme Council of the IRB. It was during their internment in England and Wales, that he and Joe Sweeney forged an enduring, personal friendship. Historians agree that, following the 1916 Rising, the British made a major blunder, from their own perspective, when they interned, without trial, so many Irish political prisoners. At peak, there were up to 1800 internees at Frongoch. The camp was “a university of revolution”. It was there future leaders of the Volunteers developed strategies for guerilla warfare and for undermining British rule in Ireland. There too, internees from different parts of Ireland forged cohesive friendships and common goals. Not all internees were members of the IRB. Joe Sweeney’s membership predated the 1916 Rising. His loyalty to the IRB oath may explain why, on the occasion of the 1918 Meenbanad ambush, the capture of a service rifle appeared to be of greater importance to him, initially at least, than the rescue of the prisoners – both of whom would have been well known to his family. In Jan. 1918, the Great War was still raging and families across Ireland were deeply affected by it. Daily, it occupied the minds of ordinary people more so than did the national question. Germany was about to launch its last big offensive – the 1918 Spring Offensive. That failed to achieve its objective and the war ended on 11 Nov. 1918. More than 1100 Donegal men lost their lives in that war. With few exceptions their families never had the consolation of visiting their graves. In many cases their bodies were never found.  (6)                                                                                         


Following the 1916 Rising, popular support dramatically shifted from the Irish Parliamentary Party (IPP) to Sinn Féin. This was due to: –

– the resentment at the execution without trial of the 1916 leaders,

– the jubilation at the homecoming of the Frongoch internees, 

– the intense political focus of Sinn Féin, with success in the four 1917 by-elections,                                       

– the death on hunger strike of Thomas Ash, Sept 1917,

– the widespread opposition to the British decision of April 1918 to extend conscription to Ireland,      

– the internment of Sinn Féin leaders in May 1918, for alleged involvement in a ‘German Plot’ – a fabrication by Dublin Castle.

In the campaign for the Dec. 1918 general election, the IPP pledged to return to Westminster and resume their quest for Home Rule. Sinn Féin pledged to boycott Westminster, set up a native Irish parliament and government, establish an independent judicial system, undermine British rule in Ireland in every way possible and seek international recognition for Irish self-government at the Paris Peace Conference. The IPP was wiped out in the election.

The strengths of the parties before and after were as follows:-


                               Before            After        

    IPP                        78                   6

Sinn Féin                 7                  73

Unionist                18                  26

Many of the candidates returned for Sinn Fein had been interned at Frongoch. To popular acclaim, Joe Sweeney was returned for West Donegal. Aged 21, he was the youngest member elected. He attended the first meeting of the Dáil in the Mansion House, on 21 Jan. 1919. Of the 73 Sinn Féin members elected only 27 were able to attend, as many, including De Valera and Griffith, were still in prison.  (7) (8)        

Joe Sweeney c.1923

At the time of the Meenbanad ambush, the local Volunteers were not at all ready for a sustained military campaign. They were at a very early stage of recruitment and training and they were bereft of arms. Few were trained in weaponry. It is likely that those engaged in the ambush saw it simply as a local action to free the two prisoners rather than the first action of nation-wide hostilities. No one was killed at Meenbanad. No shots were fired there. Almost two years would elapse before the first shots would be  fired on an RIC patrol in The Rosses – at the Rampart School, 12 Dec 1919. A full year would elapse before the ambush of 21 Jan. 1919 at Soloheadbeg. There two RIC men were killed – James McDonnell (57) from Belmullet and Pat O ‘Connell (36) from Coachford. They were the first fatalities of the War of Independence, which is why Soloheadbeg is generally held to have been the first action of that war. During 1919, there were  sporadic attacks on the RIC in diverse locations, mainly to acquire weapons. In that year 15 RIC officers were killed. The British responded with reprisals. They refused to recognise Dáil  Ȇireann. They banned Sinn Féin and other nationalist movements. However, it was not until 1920 that the conflict escalated to a serious level, with regular ambushing of RIC patrols, boycotting of RIC in rural stations, forcing them to withdraw to larger towns, and the burning of many barracks. Many native Irish officers resigned from the RIC and recruitment dried up, leading to the deployment of the Black & Tans – a ruthless para-military force, that terrorised civilian populations. A total of 493 RIC were killed in the War of Independence.….(9)

Neither of the actions, at Meenbanad or Soloheadbeg, had prior approval from Volunteers GHQ.

(3) To what regiment did the British military escort belong ? 

Joe McGarrigle claims that the escort was from the Dorset Regiment. His reference to the Dorsets may derive from a confusion of two separate Meenbanad ambushes. The Dorsets were certainly involved in the Jan. 1921 ambush, when a troop train was derailed at Paddy Ghráinne’s cutting. That ambush was followed by a comb-out of The Rosses by the Dorsets. James Duffy states that the military escort comprised four men, Sergeant Shaw being from the Beresford Regiment. Pádraig Ó Baoighill states that the escort comprised four RIC men but (perhaps quoting James Duffy) that Sergeant Shaw was from the Beresford Regiment. Frank Sweeney, having studied a report of the court-martial in the Derry Standard of the 04 Mar. 1918, states that the escort comprised three men – a sergeant and two privates and that they were from the 3rd Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers. He names the three men. His account is the more credible on this point. It is fully endorsed by reports of the court-martial in the Londonderry Sentinel (10).

Meenbanad Station (Kincasslagh Road) before 1939 © Stations UK

(4) Who were the Volunteers involved in the action at Meenbanad ?

Joe McGarrigle infers that only the four men named in his account were involved – Dim and John Bonner, Fergus Ward and Pat Boyle. He infers also that these four men devised and executed the rescue plan and took all the operational decisions. There is no mention of the Gallagher brothers of Meenbanad or of Joe and Bernie Sweeney of Burtonport. He states that Pat Boyle and Dim Bonner mingled with the crowd on the platform while Fergus Ward and John Bonner entered the compartment, in which the prisoners were held, through the door remote from the platform. He states that Fergus Ward picked up the rifle from the floor of the compartment. In his memoir, Joe Sweeney describes his own and his brother Bernie’s involvement in the planning and organisation of the ambush. However, he does not claim that he participated in the action at Meenbanad. Patrick Breslin confirms Joe’s role in the planning. He does not name the activists at Meenbanad. Prisoner James Duffy names Paddy Gallagher as the person who first entered the carriage and struck a member of the escort party. Duffy also states that it was John Bonner who wrested the rifle from Sergt. Shaw and that Dim Bonner held up the engine driver. Pádraig Ó Baoighill names nine men who, he says, were ‘among’ the participants. He names Paddy and Phil Gallagher of Meenbanad, both mentioned by James Duffy. They were locally known as Paddy Phil and Wee Phil. (Their brother, briefly referenced in James Duffy’s statement as ‘Ex Coy. Sergt Gallagher’, was Anthony Phil who later lived at The Leffin. Following the Treaty, Anthony joined the National Army.) To confuse matters somewhat, the stationmaster’s name was also Paddy Gallagher. He was known locally as ‘Paddy the Station’. He is named in Frank Sweeney’s account as ‘Patrick Gallagher’.

(5) Were the Volunteers armed ?

Patrick Breslin states that the Volunteers were ‘armed with revolvers’. Joe Sweeney, in his memoir, states that they had ‘a couple of revolvers’, but strangely in his report to GHQ he states that they were ‘completely unarmed’. Joe McGarrigle states that they were unarmed and gives that as the reason why they adopted a strategy of surprise. Sergt. Shaw’s evidence to the court-martial was that the military escort was attacked with sticks and stones. He made no mention of guns.  It would have been foolish for an unarmed unit of the Volunteers to engage an armed and trained unit of the British military. It is therefore probable that some of the Volunteers involved in the action carried revolvers. Joe Sweeney states that they were ordered ‘to use no more force than was necessary’. However, if some of the Volunteers carried guns, it would appear that these guns were not deployed. Perhaps, it was not necessary to do so. According to the Belfast Newsletter, the evidence of the Burtonport RIC to the court-martial was that Privates Holland and Henderson were very drunk and unfit for duty, that Henderson was assisted to the train at Burtonport by two civilians and that he fell twice on the platform. And stationmaster Paddy Gallagher testified (Account No 5) that one of the soldiers fell on the platform at Meenbanad. Joe Sweeney states that the soldiers were ‘more than a little befuddled’. It would appear that the two privates were very drunk and, in one case at least, footless. If that were the case, Joe  McGarrigle’s description of the action as a ‘glorious victory’ may be somewhat overstated, albeit two prisoners were rescued and Duffy’s rifle was recovered.

 (6) Were British soldiers obliged to take their rifles home on leave at a time when the Irish Volunteers were desperately seeking arms ?

Desertion is a reality in every army. Many Irishmen, who experienced the horrors of the Great War, deserted when home on leave. The RIC would have been well aware of the importation of arms by the UVF at Larne in 1913 and by the Irish Volunteers at Howth in 1914. They would also have been aware that Volunteers were going to great lengths to acquire arms. It seems incredible then that there was a time when British soldiers were obliged to carry their rifles home on leave. A Derry volunteer, Liam Brady, recalled in BMH WS 676: –  “…..It was the custom of British soldiers coming home on leave to bring their full kit including their rifles with them. The T.F.P. [an active service unit of the Derry City Volunteers] realising that there was a chance of getting some handy rifles, held up scores of those soldiers and relieved them of same. Some soldiers, who were sick of fighting England’s battles, handed over their rifles, deserted and joined the Volunteers. As activities were taking place all over Ireland, and the loss of rifles to the British Government must have been considerable, orders were issued that in future all soldiers must deposit their rifles in a military barracks before proceeding home…..”  (1)

(7) Did Joe Sweeney participate in the action at Meenbanad ? 

It would appear that Joe was not present at the Meenbanad action. If he were, he would surely have recorded it in his memoir and in his report to GHQ. Then aged 20, he was an engineering student at University College, Galway. The Meenbanad incident occurred while he was home for Christmas holidays. Some months later, in the summer of 1918, he contracted the ‘Spanish Flu’, which resulted in many deaths . He was hospitalised in Galway and was unable to sit his summer exams. At the same time, he was under surveillance by Galway RIC for the manufacture of explosives. When he was discharged from hospital he decided to abandon his studies, return to Burtonport, work in his father’s business and concentrate on organising the local Volunteers. (3)

(8) Did the Volunteers travel to Meenbanad by train or were they there ahead of it ?

Patrick Breslin states that the rescuing party travelled on the same train as the prisoners and the escort. Other accounts state that they travelled independently and were already at Kincasslagh Road Station when the train arrived there. The latter is the more credible. It is supported by a statement in McGarrigle’s account that the guard, John McCole, took an inordinately long time in shunting the wagons at the intermediate station – Dungloe Road (Lough Meela) – in order to give the Volunteers time to reach Meenbanad ahead of the train. As it was a Dungloe fair day, extra time was needed to shunt cattle wagons at Dungloe Road, since it was to that station jobbers brought their animals for onward transportation. Joe Sweeney states that he selected Meenbanad for the rescue because he surmised that RIC officers, carrying side arms, would accompany the military escort as far as Dungloe Road. In his report to GHQ he states, as a fact, that they did so. If he foresaw this as a probability, he would have detailed the Volunteers to be at Meenbanad ahead of the train.

(9) Exactly when was the decision taken to mount a rescue attempt at Meenbanad ?

Joe Sweeney’s account infers that the plan was drawn up on the 3rd Jan., the day before the rescue. If that were the case, the question arises – how did the Volunteers know that a military escort would be arriving in Burtonport the following morning, and what its strength might be. Such intelligence could only have come from the local RIC. Joe McGarrigle, on the other hand, infers that the decision to mount the rescue was made by the four named men, only on the morning of the ambush, after the escort’s arrival in Burtonport.

(10) Did the escort carry side arms ? 

It is not credible that a military escort would travel from Derry to Burtonport unarmed. Joe Sweeney expected them to be carrying side arms. Yet, the only firearm mentioned as  having been captured by the Volunteers at Meenbanad was James Duffy’s rifle. If the soldiers were carrying side arms it would appear that they did not deploy them. Perhaps, the size of the crowd, its intimidating demeanor, the element of surprise and their own inebriation discouraged them from doing so.

(11)  Neil Boyle – Assistant Guard.

The young assistant guard on the train was Neil Boyle of Milltown, pictured 50 years later in the Derry People article by Joe Mc Garrigle (see Account No 2 above). This was the same Neil Boyle who was guard on a train that was blown off the Owencarrow viaduct by a hurricane, on the night of 30 Jan. 1925, with the loss of four lives. It was recorded then that Neil worked tirelessly through the night, helping the injured and guiding survivors to safety.

Owencarrow Disaster, 30th January 1925

(12 )Jimmy (Susan) Ward.

One of the rescued prisoners, Jimmy (Susan) Ward, subsequently emigrated to the U.S.A., where he served for a time in the U.S. army and died following a street accident in New York on Independence Day, 1931.

Jimmy Ward in America © Ward Family Collection
Jimmy Ward in the US Army © Ward Family Collection

(13) How did the rescued prisoners leave the station ?

Pádraig Ó Baoighill states that they escaped by car. Stationmaster Gallagher testified at the court-martial that he saw them running away. Neil Boyle testified at the court-martial that, as the train was pulling out from the station, he saw them running down the track in the direction of Burtonport. Joe McGarrigle corroborates this account and adds that they were handcuffed together as they scrambled down the track and over the rocks. Apparently, they were not handcuffed to the military escort.

(14) How did the escort leave the station ?

‘Notes from Ireland’ quoted by Joe Sweeney state that the soldiers‘ were hurried away in a motor car’. It is not credible that there was a friendly motor car waiting at the station to remove the escort to safety, or that they would feel safe in a local hackney. It is more credible that the escort escaped to Derry by the train, which pulled out of the station immediately after the prisoners were freed.

(15) Are there other accounts of the ambush ?

There is an account, not quoted here but posted on the internet, which states that, following the rescue, James Duffy went into hiding in a local house and, when the police came searching for him, that he escaped through a tunnel, which he and his friends had dug. The tunnel was described as ‘100 yards long’. If such a tunnel ever existed, Meenbanad folk would surely have known about it. As there is granite everywhere, a lot of hard labour and gelignite (then under strict police control) would have been required to dig such a lengthy tunnel and it would have taken months to do so. In his statement of 1937, James Duffy makes no mention of a tunnel. The account should be read with caution.

There is another published account, not quoted here either, which states that the Volunteers boarded the train and moved through the carriage until they came to the compartment in which the prisoners and their escort were seated. The adjoining photograph, by H. C. Casserly, is taken from ‘Londonderry & Lough Swilly Railway’, by Steve Flanders & Joe Begley. The railway was narrow-gauge; the rails were a mere 3ft apart. The carriage width was 7ft 3in. There was no internal passageway through a carriage, as would be normal on a standard-gauge railway.

© H. C. Casserly Collection


‘I wish to express my appreciation to Donegal Heritage-Jimmy Duffy for the considerable help received in assembling this document.’ John Sharkey, January 2018


  1. Bureau of Military History, Witness Statements.
  2. Derry People, 13 Jan 1968.
  3. The Capuchin Annual 1970, Donegal and the War of Independence – Major General Joe Sweeney.
  4. Óglach na Rosann, Niall Pluncéad Ó Baoighill – Pádraig Ó Baoighill.
  5. That Old Sinner – Frank Sweeney.
  6. County Donegal Book of Honour, The Great War 1914-1918, – Paddy Harte et al.
  7. Ireland Three – M E Collins.
  8. The Donegal Awakening – Liam J. O Duibhir.
  9. Police Casualties in Ireland, 1919-1922, – Richard Abbott.
  10. Belfast Newsletter 24 Feb 1918.






  A district court-martial sat at Ebrington Barracks on Saturday to investigate charges against Lance-Sergeant Robert Shaw, Royal Inniskilling Fusiliers. The offences alleged against accused were—(1) Allowing Private Ward, Royal Inniskillings, and Private Duffy, Dublin Fusiliers, two absentees, to escape while being conveyed from Burtonport to the guard detention room at Ebrington Barracks; (2) allowing an escort, of which was in command, to get drunk; and (3) himself escaping when in arrest.

Major Lennock, Somersets (president), Captain Curtis. A.S.C. (attached Inniskillings), and Captain Ellis, Somersets, constituted the Court. Lieutenant G. L. Williams. M.C.. Royal Inniskillings, was the military prosecutor.

Accused, for whom Mr. H. S. Robinson appeared, pleaded not guilty to all counts.

Evidence was given of accused and two privates being sent to Burtonport for two absentees, and that after arrival at Burtonport the escort separated from accused, and two police witnesses alleged that two of the former were through drink incompetent to carry out duty as an escort. Private Henderson, one of the escort, did not accompany the escort and the two prisoners to the station, but arrived late, assisted by two civilians. He was drunk and staggering, and fell twice on the platform

  John McCole, the guard, said when the train reached Kincasslagh Road Station a crowd of about 100 or 150 rushed along the platform, and surrounded the carriage where the prisoners were. The crowd was very angry.

  The President—Did you see any stones thrown?

  Witness—No; but I saw plenty of sticks waving. The stationmaster ordered me to ” go ahead,” or the train would be smashed

  Answering the Prosecutor, the witness said the crowd at the station was three-fourths composed of women, and was very excited. There were about twenty or thirty men and a lot of young boys and girls.

  To Mr. Robinson — The platform was packed with people, who rushed the carriage in which the soldiers were immediately [as] the train drew up. The men all carried sticks.

  Neil Boyle said the crowd at the station appeared to be quite quiet. After the departure of the train he saw the two prisoners running down the railway track in the direction of Burtonport. Many of those at the station came to see the prisoners off and bid them good-bye.

  To the Prosecutor—Witness admitted it was generally talked about in the district that the            prisoners would travel by this train.

  Mr. Robinson—Wasn’t the crowd on the platform nothing short of a mob!

  Witness did not reply.

  Mr. Robinson—What was the crowd there for?

  Witness—To see the soldiers off.

  Tague Doherty, a postman, and a cousin of one of the prisoners, said be understood the crowd collected at the station to bid goodbye to the prisoners.

  Replying to Mr. Robinson, witness said his statement in the summary of evidence that the crowd was threatening someone in the carriage was untrue.

  Mr. Robinson—On your oath, didn’t you know what the purpose the crowd was?

 Witness— Well, I thought it might be to rescue the prisoners.

  Patrick Gallagher, the stationmaster, said that before the train arrived he learned the object was to bid goodbye to the prisoners, and on that account he allowed the crowd to remain on the platform. The door of the compartment in which the prisoners were was opened, and a woman got out. The door was then closed, and a soldier stretched out his hand as if to bid someone good-bye. The door of the carriage then opened again, and a soldier came out and pulled another after him. The latter fell on the platform. Witness saw the ” poor boys” running away. The crowd was not hostile.

  Mr. Robinson—What do you mean by the “poor boys?”

  Witness—That was a slip. He saw no struggle outside the carriage, but admitted that there mitt have been a disturbance.

  The accused, giving evidence on his own behalf, said he left Derry Barracks about 4.30 a.m. without food, and had breakfast in Burtonport about 12.30 with the escort. He sent Henderson to the station to ascertain if there was any likelihood of hostility, as they had been boohed and jeered at by the people at the street corners in the morning. Tho police told him that they were likely to have trouble. The escort obtained drink, but not with his permission. Holland was fit to discharge his duty as an escort, and Henderson was capable of discharging the duty allotted to him. “When the train drew up at Kincasslagh Road Station witness opened the door of the carriage to allow two women who were in the same compartment to get out. The door was then closed. The mob on the platform rushed towards the carriage. Some of the men in the crowd had sticks, with which they threatened the occupants of the carriage, and a voice shouted, “Where are they? We must have them.” Witness understood them to refer to the prisoners. The carriage door was immediately dragged open from the outside and the prisoners dragged out by the mob. “We held on to the prisoners as long as we could,” the witness continued, ” but the door on the other side of the carriage was opened by part of the mob, and we were attacked on that side by sticks and stones. That was the time the prisoners were rescued, and we then had to draw our bayenets to protect ourselves.”


  The proceedings were resumed yesterday.

  Mr. H. S. Robinson, who appeared for the accused, continued the case for the defence.

  Accused was further examined on the third charge.

  Cross-examined by the military prosecutor as to his statement on Saturday that he left for       Burtonport on the morning of the occurrence without breakfast, accused said he was unable to obtain any. He tried to make arrangements the previous night, and was provided with a sandwich,  “to save any trouble in the morning.”

  The President—Nothing else?


  The Prosecutor—Did you make a complaint?

  Accused—No, I thought it would be irregular to do that. The accused added that the men of his escort received no breakfast before leaving.

  The Prosecutor—Did you not take the trouble of asking why they did not get breakfast!


  Further cross-examined, accused said he knew from the appearance of Private Henderson at Burtonport. Railway Station in the afternoon that he had drink taken. He was not, however, drunk.

  Asked for his reason for telling Sergeant McCafferty in Burtonport Barracks that the men of his escort had got too much drink in his absence, accused said he did not think he had any reason.

  The President — You must. have had some reason?

  Accused — The police made a remark to me about the men being sickly looking, and I thought they might have been in a public-house.

  The Prosecutor—Can you explain why it was that that was the first explanation of their sickness that suggested itself to you?

  Accused—As I had refused them permission to get drink I thought they had taken their chance. They asked me more than once for permission to get drink. The men of the escort, accused added, were absent about two hours. There was nothing in Private Henderson’s condition at 2.30, when he was detailed to go to the station to ascertain if there was any likelihood of hostility being shown the escort, to warrant the police statement that he was drunk.

  The Prosecutor—Were the police swearing lies?

  Accused — In my opinion Henderson was all right. I would not say they were swearing lies.

  Accused, who mentioned that Private Holland was sick when he left Derry in the morning, was

cross-examined at length by the military prosecutor as to the orders given to Private Henderson to proceed to the railway station and report. He was not aware of Private Henderson having to be helped into the railway carriage at Burtonport. Accused and Private Holland brought the prisoners from the police barracks to the station, and were accompanied by the police for protection.

  Asked what resistance he and the escort gave when the prisoners escaped at Kincasslagh Road Station, accused said they held on to the prisoners until the latter were dragged out of the carriage.

  Examined by the Court, accused was unable to explain the discrepancy between the police statement that he reported at Burtonport Barracks about twelve noon and his own evidence that he reported at eleven o’clock.

  Captain Ellis pointed out that Constable Glennane swore accused reported at the barracks about 11.30.

  The President asked accused to account for his movements in Burtonport between eleven and twelve o’clock.

  Accused said he spent about an hour in the police barracks after reporting there at eleven o’clock.

  The President — Apparently they did not see you?

  Accused said he was in the barracks most of the time.

  The President — If you feared an attempt at rescue or disturbance why did you allow strangers into the carriage with the prisoners?

  Accused—I could not prevent them.

  The President—You were an escort travelling on duty?

  Accused — I understood I could not prevent them.

  The President–Why did you not get the carriage doors locked?

  Accused replied that he did not expect any trouble after they left Burtonport.

  The President—Did you make any attempt to recapture the prisoners?

  Accused—None. I had no time. The train moved out as the prisoners were rescued.

  The President—Did you make no attempt to get out!?

  Accused—The train was on the move.

  A number of military witnesses were examined for the defence to show that accused not under any restraint at the period the prosecution alleged he was in open arrest.

  Corporal Arthur. one of the witnesses for the prosecution, recalled, said he heard Regimental Sergeant-Major Arbuckle warn accused that he was in open arrest. Witness denied the allegation that he informed accused subsequently that he was not in arrest.

  This concluded the evidence.

  Mr. Robinson reviewed the evidence, and submitted that everything possible had been done by the accused to carry out his duty. it would be extremely hard, said Mr. Robinson, if the excused were to be held guilty of negligence under the circumstances. When accused and his men arrived in Burtonport in the morning they were, by reason of the uniform they wore, boohed and jeered.

Later one of the men was sent by accused to the station to ascertain if there was any likelihood of hostility. Accused was in a district which was admittedly hostile, and where objectionable remarks were made about the King in the morning. Nothing occurred prior to the departure to arouse accused’s suspicions that an attempt would be made to rescue the prisoners. Dealing with the subsequent release of the prisoners, Mr. Robinson asked how accused was to have prevented a mob assembling at Kincasslagh Road Station. Apparently, said Mr. Robinson, information was sent from Burtonport by some means or other that the prisoners were travelling by a certain train. and the mob assembled at Kincasslagh. armed with sticks and stones, for the sole purpose of rescuing the prisoners. The mob attacked the carriage in which the accused and escort were from both sides, and the escort were obliged for their own protection to draw their bayonets. Mr. Robinson dealt at length with the other charges, and submitted that no evidence had been adduced on which the Court could find the accused guilty.

  Replying, the Military Prosecutor said he would leave it to the Court to determine whether a sufficient resistance was made by the accused when the attack was made on the carriage. It was clear a large crowd assembled at Kincasslagh Station, but the fact that a crowd hostile and threatening was present was not a warrant to release the prisoners.

  Mr. Robinson mentioned accused and his brother patriotically joined the colours on the outbreak of war. Accused, who had been in France, had been twice wounded, and his military record showed a clean sheet. His sister, who was in the Post Office in Dublin during the rebellion, held the fort there, and was now doing duty in France. The inquiry concluded, and the result will be promulgated in due course.

Londonderry Sentinel, Tuesday, February 26, 1918


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Niall Ó Donaill agus Lá An Briseadh Mór

La bataille de l’île de Toraigh, huile sur toile de Nicholas Pocock, 1799.  The Battle of Tory Island –oil on canvas by Nicholas Pocock, 1799. This painting is now in the Ulster Museum.

Na Glúnta Rosannacha, a history of the Rosses, meaning The Generations of the Rosses, by Niall O Donaill was written in 1952. One of the historical events it deals with was the 12th October 1798 Battle of Lough Swilly or what is called in the Rosses in Irish Lá An Briseadh Mór/Lá An Briste Mór, meaning the day of the Great Defeat. The French call it La Bateille d’Isle de Toraigh or the battle of Tory Island. It is also referred to as the Bompart Expedition as Jean Baptiste Francois Bompart was the French Naval Commander on that expedition. The French also refer to it as the Third Irish Expedition, the first being Bantry Bay in 1796 and the second being the Texel, Holland in 1797. The Bompart Expedition was an attempt to land a French army numbering 2900 men or thereabouts in Ireland to come to the assistance of the United Irishmen an Irish revolutionary movement at the end of the 1798 Rebellion. It was part of the same Third Irish Expedition as General Humbert and Napper Tandy but Humbert and his Irish allies had already been defeated at Ballinamuck in County Longford a week before the Bompart force sailed and Napper Tandy had gone back to the continent on the Anacreon before the Bompart  was on route.

Theobold Wolfe Tone (1763 – 1798)

Theobold Wolfe Tone the leader of the United Irishmen had travelled with the Bompart Expedition on the Hoche. General Jean Hardy commanded the French soldiers and Sir John Borlase Warren was the British Naval Commander in charge of the British Fleet on their Flagship “The Canada”. The French squadron had one schooner “La Biche”, a man of war their flagship called “the Hoche”, and seven frigates. L’Hoche was named after Lazard Hoche the leader of the Bantry Bay Expedition of 1796 and the second in command at Texel and the great friend of the revolutionary Irish but by 1798 dead at the age of 28. The English squadron although one less in number had a stronger force being made up of four heavy ships, of men of war class/ships of the line, and four frigates. And, of course, the British were not carrying soldiers whose safety had to be a major concern for Bompart. Often in Na Glúnta detailed and attractive description is used to explain events and happenings. In others such as in the piece below events are dealt with in a purely factual, with a minimum of detail. The battle occurred in a heavy swell and the French Flagship L’ Hoche’s 80 odd canon fire power was reduced since she had to close her lower gun ports to stop the seawater coming in as the heavily laden vessel pitched and plunged in the heavy swell. The French knew they were beaten and implored Wolfe Tone to board their fastest vessel, the schooner Biche, to escape capture and likely execution and thereby live to fight another day. The Biche long, narrow beamed and well clothed with sail, the French believed, could out sail the heavier British ships and could not be caught. And the French were right as the Biche never looked back until she was home in Brest. L’Hoche was captured and towed into Lough Swilly, repaired and became ‘The Donegal’ when sailing under the British flag. It reputedly carried the Duke of Wellington to Spain and the Peninsular Wars and historic immortality. The French Officers were taken to Lord Cavan’s quarters in Buncrana were they were given breakfast. Wolfe Tone was recognised there by Sir George Hills (or his brother according to Sir George Hill), suffered the minor indignity of having to eat alone separate from the other French Officers, then paraded through Derry on horseback in chains and eventually sent to Dublin where he was court martialled for treason and sentenced to death by hanging notwithstanding his remonstration to the Court that he should be shot like a soldier. Tone cut his own throat with a shaving blade (or maybe a penknife according to his son William’s account) on the 11th November 1798 the night before his planned execution in an almost botched attempt at suicide, ‘ I am but a poor anatomist’, to cheat the hangman. He did cheat the noose but died eight days later from his self- inflicted wounds. …………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………………..

  • Ag imeacht do Napper Tandy as na Rosa bhí Wolfe Tone ar a bhealach ag teacht.  Ach ba seo fear.  ‘An mbeidh sé le rá liomsa gur imigh mé nuair a bhí na Francaigh ag troid chatha mo thíre?’  Lá an Bhriste Mhóir ar an Fharraige adúirt sé an focal sin, ar aghaidh na Rosann ó thuaidh.

As Napper Tandy was leaving the Rosses Wolfe Tone was on his way coming. But this was a (great) man. ‘It will never be said to me that I fled leaving Frenchmen fighting for my country’s battle? The day of the Great Defeat on the Sea –  he said those words, out north from the Rosses.

  • Ar an 12ú Deireadh Fómhair, 1798, troideadh an Briseadh Mór – nó ‘Cath Loch Súilí’ mar thug na Sasanaigh air.  Casadh an Hoche agus a mionchúrsóirí ar Chabhlach Loch Súilí an mhaidin sin taobh thiar de Thoraigh, amach go maith san fharraige.  Bhí na longa Francacha ag bualadh aniar as an aigeán agus na longa Sasanacha ag cúrsáil anoir.  Tháinig an teangmháil leis an lá gheal.

On the 12th October 1798 the Great Defeat was fought – or The Battle of Loch Swilly as the English called. The Hoche and her light frigates met the Lough Swilly Fleet that morning west of Tory Island well out into the sea. The French vessels were coming in west from the ocean and the English vessels were cruising from the east. The engagement occurred at day break.

  • Rinneadh míthrácht go minic ar chúrsa an chatha seo.  Ar an ábhar sin is cóir a rá nach raibh na cabhlaigh ag béal Loch Súilí nó i mBéal Thoraí in am ar bith den lá.  Troideadh dhá aicseán:  cath an Hoche ar maidin siar ó Thoraigh, os coinne Chnoc Fola amach: cath na gcúrsóirí tráthnóna siar os coinne Árann.

There has been much misreporting on the course of the battle. For that reason it should be said that at no time were the fleets at the mouth of Lough Swilly or in Tory Sound at any time in the day. There were two actions fought, the battle of the Hoche in the morning west of Tory Island off Knockfola, and the battle of the frigates in the evening to the west off Aranmore.

  • Sir John Warren a bhí i gceannas ar longa na Sasana.  Nuair a thit sé isteach le scuadrún na Fraince, dúirt sé, bhí na Rosa san aird theas-thiar-theas, cúig léig uaidh.  B’ionann sin is go raibh sé tuairim ar chúig mhíle dhéag as Árainn nó Uaigh – ar na hoileáin thiar a bheireadh lucht loingeas na Rosa san am – agus go raibh Toraigh ar a chlíbhord thoir.  Tráthnóna lae an bhriste chuir Stiubhart Dhún Fionnachaidh scéala chuig Lord Castlereagh go bhfaca sé cath tréan á throid an mhaidin sin, ‘amach ó Thoraigh,’ ach go raibh na longa comh fada siar i bhfarraige is nár aithin sé na scuadrúin óna chéile le gloine láidir.

Sir John Warren was in command of the English vessels. When he engaged with the French squadron, he said, the Rosses was at a point five leagues to his south west. That was to say that he was approximately 15 miles from Aranmore or Owey, the western islands so called by the seafarers of the Rosses at the time and that Tory was on his eastern gunwale. The evening of the defeat Stewart of Dunfanaghy sent word to Lord Castlereagh that he saw a battle fought that morning, ‘out from Tory Island’ but that the ships were so far out in the sea he could not identify the squadrons from one another with strong glasses.

  • An oíche chéanna sin scríobh tuairisceoir in Inis Mhic Duirn cuntas do Faulkner’s Journal ar an bhriseadh.  Bhreathnaigh sé féin agus captaen loinge an cath as sean teach solais Árann, dúirt sé.  ‘Amach ó Stacaí Uaighe’ a troideadh an chéad aicseán.  Bhí gaoth aduaidh ann agus theith na cúrsóirí siar-siar-ndeas.  Troideadh cath an tráthnóna os coinne theach an tsolais, fá dhá léig den chladach. 

The same evening a reporter wrote from Rutland an account of the defeat for the Faulkner Journal. He said that himself and a sea captain viewed the battle from the old lighthouse on Arranmore. It was out from the Owey Stags the first action was fought. It wind was from the north then and the frigates fled west-south-west. The battle of the evening was fought opposite the lighthouse about two leagues from the shore.

  • ‘Bhí lá glan ann agus d’aithin mé gach urchar beagnach dá ndeachaidh i gceann.  An méid nach ndeachaigh i gceann chonaic mé iad ag déanamh sciod-ar-uisce san fharraige.’

It was a clear day and I recognised every cannon ball almost that struck the target. The ones that did not hit the target I saw them water skid on the sea.

  • Chruinnigh cathlonga na Sasana timpeall ar an Hoche i dtús teangmhála.  Chomhraic sí ar feadh na maidne iad, go dtí go raibh a crainn briste, a seolta ina scifleoga, a stiúir caillte, a taobhanna ag tarraingt uisce, a ceithre fichid gunna as gléas, agus a hiomluchtóirí ina ndramhaltach i gcosair chró.  Bhí Wolfe Tone i gceannas ar bhataire de na gunnaí.  Throid sé, dúradh, mar bheadh sé ag tnúth lena bhás.

The English warships gathered around the Hoche at the beginning of the engagement. She fought them for the duration of the morning, until her masts were broken, her sails in strips, her rudder lost, her beams drawing water, her eighty guns inoperative, and her occupants trampling on a bed of gore. Wolfe Tone was in charge of one of the gun batteries. He fought, it was said, like he courted his death.

  • Rinne sé a éacht deireanach ar muir, an mhaidin sin ar shleasbhord na Rosann.

He carried out his last deed on sea, that morning off the shore of the Rosses.

An artist’s impression, showing a former French frigate towing the captured Hoche, that is travelling under rolled sails and sporting its new flag The Union Jack, to Lough Swilly in the Year Of The French 1798.

Niall O Donaill’s reference in Na Glúnta Rosannacha to an account in the Freemans Journal, a Dublin newspaper of that time, 1798, was to an account of the battle given by a Joseph Sproule who witnessed the battle from Arranmore Lighthouse then just opened. Sproule owned a large house on Inishcoo Island and another house on Rutland Island. Both islands are off Burtonport. William Tone in his book about his father, the Life of Wolfe Tone, painted a linguistic picture of the French flagship, the Hoche with his father on board, surrounded and gallantly battling against the odds. Although Niall O Donaill used different language to describe the same event I think that he relies heavily on the image crafted by William Tone of the Hoche fighting to the end out from the Donegal’s coast.

An artist’s impression, showing a former French frigate towing the captured Hoche, that is travelling under rolled sails and sporting its new flag The Union Jack, to Lough Swilly in the Year Of The French 1798.

There were with Wolfe Tone and the Bompart Expedition at least three other Irishmen and possibly a fourth. William Henry Hamilton was amongst the prisoners and was questioned by the British on suspicion of being Irish but his fluent French and the fact that he wore an ear ring helped to convince them that he was French and he was later released as part of a prisoner exchange. Thomas Corbett was also with the Expedition. He was one of the founders of the United Irishmen in Belfast and was once editor/manager of the United Irish journal the Northern Star.  His brother William came to Rutland with James Napper Tandy almost a month earlier. Thomas Corbett passed himself off as French as well and was later exchanged. He had a lucky escape as the temptation to execute him would be very great on the part of the British. He was a very capable man and had a successful career as a French government administrator later, serving first the governments of the revolution and later the governments of the restoration. He was kept on as they say, as all good people should be. A third man with the Expedition was a called McGuire according to William Tone and he was also exchanged. A possible fourth was called Colonel Waldryn. He said when captured that he was the pilot of the Bompart Squadron and that he was an American although the British had their doubts about that. Waldryn may have spent time in America that would allow him to more easily pass for an American but French records of that time noted that he was from County Armagh. He was recommended to the French as a pilot for the expedition by among others Munroe, presumably the American Ambassador to France, because he had a good knowledge of the Donegal Coast. He was not executed either and eventually released with the other under prisoner exchange.

The Anson Takes The Loire 16th October 1798 by Nicholas Pocock – Maritime Museum, London. HMS Anson was itself badly damaged but nevertheless with the assistance of the HMS Kangaroo engaged the Loire near the coast of County Mayo successfully forcing its capture.

The Bompart Expedition was for the French and their four or five émigré Irlandais a fairly desperate throw of the dice. The main theatre of war for the French was then, in the Autumn of 1798, Egypt where Napoleon Bonapart had headed with his army in late May/June of 1798. Ireland at this point had become a side show of no great importance to the French although they probably felt a moral obligation to help out arising from their earlier encouragement of the Irish to rebel. Had the Bompart Expedition sailed with Humbert and Napper Tandy in May 1798 when the rebellion commenced in Ireland and succeeded in landing it could have had some hope of success. With 2900 men with Bompart/Hardy men with Savary/Humbert, 100 with Blankman/Tandy and 1000 on the second Daniel Savary trip to Killala that never landed, the total of 5100 men might have had sufficient success in establishing a bridge head to have encouraged the French to send the other 9000 men under General Kilmaine that were held in reserve for the Expedition. The Batavian Republic (Holland) that was allied to France also sent two vessels that were captured as well but it is not clear how many men were on board. The failure of the French to coordinate and ensure that the Bompart/Hardy squadron (it sailed from Brest, Brittany on the 16th September 1798) sailed at the same time as Savary/Humbert ships (they sailed from Rochesfort, Charente Marine on the 6th August 1798) and Blankman/Napper Tandy (the Anacreon sailed from Dunkerque 4th September 1798) is difficult to explain without risking being uncharitable to General Humbert in particular. Of the nine French vessels that sailed from Brest only three made it home safely, the schooner Biche already referred to and frigates Semillante and Romaine. The Bellone, Coquille, Immortalité, Résolue, Loire, Embuscade and L’Hoche were captured. The Romaine probably left one of its anchor in Donegal Bay after trying to put men ashore at Mountcharles who it seems refused to disembark, and same is now on the quay there as an historical feature. All in all, the Third Irish Expedition seemed to have been an expensive failure in terms of ships and men for the French. However, the huge French war machine at the time was inured to its casualties, and when compared with the ship losses at the Naval Battle of the Nile 1798 or the deaths and injuries in that battle and in its four year war with the Ottoman Empire, the cost of the Irish Expedition of 1798 at about 600 could be presented as relatively inexpensive. They could lose that number of men, in a morning, on one of their successful days fighting with the Ottoman Empire or its tenacious allies never mind what they would have lost on one of their more disastrous days.  If the Bompart Expedition ensured that many tens of thousands of British soldiers and some of British ships were tied down in Ireland for the duration of the war with Britain that could only be to the benefit of France and the Expedition could be justified in those terms. The British lost no vessels although one or two were badly damaged. The British victory off Donegal probably did not get the respect or acclaim it deserved in Britain. The noise of the victory was drowned by news of the competing success of the Horatio Nelson’s naval victory at the Battle of the Nile (1st August 1798). A greater number of French ships and better ships had been captured or destroyed in that battle than was the case in the Bompart Expedition, 13 in all (11 of them ships of the line) as against 6 (one of the line – the Hoche, in the Bompart Expedition). The crowning glory of the British success at the Battle of the Nile was that Napoleon Bonaparte, already for the British the great bogey man of his age, was as a result of the Battle of the Nile stranded in Egypt, locked in a bloody struggle with the Ottoman Empire that he would not lose but could not win. And he had no ships to resupply his army from France or even to allow them withdraw from Egypt. Still, undaunted, the bogey man was nothing if not driven by blind ambition and back to France he duly came the following year without his army. In Niall O Donaill’s account of Lá An Briseadh Mór he borrowed, as I said, extensively from the description of the engagement of the Hoche given in Tones Diaries entries. The British records suggest that British vessels when they engaged the Hoche subjected it to strafing.  Strafing involved sailing past the Hoche at an angle from behind so that, initially they the British could bring almost all of their cannon to bear on the stern or aft part of the L’Hoche causing maximum damage as the cannon balls went right through the ship from stern to bows wrecking much and killing and injuring many within. At the same time the Hoche could only bring its few aft guns to bear on its attackers and had to wait until the enemy vessels came more broadside before the full force off the Hoche’s cannon fire could be brought into action.

The Stags of Owey (Na Stacaí Uaighe), locally known as ‘Na Trí Mhicí gCorra’

The battle involving the French frigates was a running one that took place over a considerable distance from the Stags of Owey (Na Stacaí Uaighe) to the Coast of France. The French frigates put up dogged resistance near the Uaigh Stags (Na Stacaí Uaighe) and that fight was viewed from the lighthouse in Arranmore. The British record of the battle gives the spelling of Owey as Uay. This was the pre 1835 Ordnance Survey spelling that was used on the Mackenzie Chart that the British would have had at that time. Uay would have been a better spelling for the Ordnance Survey than Owey as it equates in sound more accurately to the Irish language Uaigh.

Ach bá seo fear – the Wolfe Tone monument by Sculptor Eddie Delaney erected in 1964 at the corner of Stephens Green, Dublin 2.

Ná Gluntá Rosannacha is for the Rosses, a significant historical record for a number of reasons. Firstly, because Niall O Donaill availed of a diversity of primary sources, state papers, annals, books, newspapers and archive material to support the case for the historical assertions he made and the measured conclusions he came to. Secondly he accurately, in a structured way, relying on well-established historical research methodology, placed on record the folk memory of the Rosses Generations but rather than defer to the accuracy of that folklore he stressed and tested that collective recall against more concrete evidential sources and against his own unique assessment of what likely happened here in the past.  It is not that Niall O Donaill disbelieved folklore, he very much did believe in it, but he also recognised the value of assessing and testing the accuracy of it. And last but not least, he crafted in Na Glúnta Rosannacha an Irish language book to tell that history of the Rosses that had its own intrinsic value in linguistic and idiomatic terms.

Na Glúnta Rosannacha le Niall Ó Domhnaill (Baile Átha Cliath, 1952)

In the Upper Rosses, Forbairt Na Rosann/Ionad Teampall Chroine Community Groups, An Mhachaire Le Cheile and Rosses CDB we are the local organisers in a national language plan for the Gaeltacht (Pleán Teanga do an Ghaeltacht) whereby we seek to make people in the Rosses aware of their Irish language heritage and  other cultural aspects associated with that heritage. As part of that process Forbairt would like to translate parts of Na Glúnta Rosannacha so that Na Glúnta will be available to a wider readership. The Pleán will be implemented in conjunction with other local community groups, the local schools and others that share similar ambitions to contribute to the process that I referred to.

Written by Seán Bonner, Meenmore, Dungloe (26th October 2017)

The Pikeman Monument at Ballinamuck, County Longford.

Big Herring Harvest of 1916

From an article that appeared in the Irish Standard on April 8th 1916

The fishing community of Donegal has had a remarkably successful season. Up to August things were little better than average years so far as supplies went, but, of course, more advantageous in the better figures realized. Then towards the end of the month shoals of herrings appeared unexpectedly in the fishing grounds, and the whole fishing population was immediately astir.


The Congested Districts Board was apprised of the prospects, and arrangements were forthcoming for making available the motorboats and sailing boats provided by the Board along this section of the coast. In due course a contingent of Scotch and Irish buyers appeared on the scene, and, with keen competition, the Donegal folk have been able to reap a splendid herring harvest. There were times during the season when the price of herrings went up to as much as from £3 to £4 and £4 10s a cran, and even higher. Reduced to a more easily understood basis, the higher quotations mentioned worked out at as much as 2d apiece for the fine qualities which are attracted to these Northwestern grounds, and the fishermen, as might be expected, rejoiced in their luck. The Board’s steam-drifters were requisitioned by the Admiralty.
The New Motor Boats
One of the developments which has accrued to the fishing interests in the district is concerned with the matter of the provision of the motor-boats and steam-drifters by the Congested Districts Board. Up to 1894 only open boats of the Greencastle yawl type
had been in use by the Donegal fishermen.

Greencastle Yawl at Greencastle Maritime Museum, Co.Donegal

In that year a number of large decked sailing boats, known as the “Zulu” type, were introduced by the Board for herring fishing at Downing’s Bay and other centres. These boats were worked by crews on the share system, a boat and gear being handed over to a crew of six as joint owners, subject to a repayment to the Board of about one-third of the net earnings. The system worked satisfactorily for many years, and the Board were repaid the entire cost of the boats and gear originally supplied. There were still several others of these craft, however, in respect of which considerable sums had yet to be discharged before the debt to the Board would be cleared off.

In 1907 a big change had to be met. Steam-drifters, which had been introduced into Scotland and England, took part in the Donegal fishery, with the result that the crews of the local sailing boats were discouraged by their inability to compete with the steam vessels which were able to land large catches both in stormy weather and in calms when sailing boats had to remain in harbour. Even when sailing boats were able to go out, the steamers could go farther out to sea where the best fishing grounds are and get back sooner to harbour, thus securing better prices. The Donegal fishermen, therefore, urged the Board to provide them with steam-drifters and motor-boats, so that they might share upon equal terms in the fishery off their own coast. With the aid of a loan from the Development Commission the Board acquired some steam-drifters and motor-boats.


Changed System                                                                                                                                    
New conditions suggested to the Board that it might be well to vary the terms for repayment for these boats and gear. Under the share system the length of time before repayment in full could be made and caused the crews, after a number of successive poor seasons, to lose sight of the prospect of becoming owners, and men changed from one boat to another. In
many instances, too, the crews did not maintain their boats and gear-in good order, and it was quite evident that, in the interest of the fishermen as well as of the Board, nothing short of ownership would stimulate the crews to take care of their boats and gear. It was, therefore, decided that the Board “would sell each boat and gear on the loan system to some one or more fishermen. The present value of the boats and gear was ascertained, and these
amounts were treated as having been lent to approved applicants, the advances to be repaid by half-yearly instalments. The initial cost of the boatswith gear ranged from £1,000 to
£2,000 each for motor-boats, and present values were fixed according to the condition of the craft, with a discount of 20 per cent for cash paid at the time of sale. The prices of the sailing boats and gear were, of course, very much less.


Activity at the Centers
The principal centers of the industry are at Downing’s Bay, Kincasslagh, Gweedore, Burtonport and Killybegs. Each of these places is a port where the fishermen keep their boats and where buyers attend, and the marketing conditions, influenced by the scarcity existing in the chief centers across the Channel, have been such as to assure fair ruling quotations at
every center. Buncrana, on Lough Swilly, which used to be the chief market, and in years back was the biggest and most important fishing base in the North-West, has suffered
because of the Admiralty Order closing Lough Swilly tor fishing, except in a restricted way within certain local limits, and the principal market is now at Downing’s Bay in Sheep Haven. Here a very large quantity of herring has been cured for export, and at the other centers mentioned the season has been scarcely less busy. At Killybegs in August, 1915, herrings of extraordinary fine size and quality were landed. Only a relatively small proportion of the catches was dispatched fresh to the markets.
Donegal Salmon Fishing
An interesting story appertains to the very appreciable development in the salmon fishing which has taken place off the West Donegal coast in recent years. It was not known that
salmon, when proceeding from the deep water to rivers, followed the same course year after year. To the late Father Bernard Walker, of Burtonport, is due the credit of proving this theory, and that, too, in the most incontrovertible manner. During some boating trips well outside the islands which fringe the Rosses, his observation was directed on a few occasions to the splashing of salmon, as he conceived it to be, and curiosity tempted him to try his luck with a salmon net along a course where he had seen salmon rise. His acumen and his enterprise were rewarded in a fine capture, and his initiative was quickly followed by the fishermen of the West Donegal coast, who found in the new grounds a successful area of operations.

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